"Yom huledet same'akh!" – Happy Birthday, Israel: TRIBÜNE interview with Federal Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier

Ever since the foundation of the Federal Republic, domestic policy has been a tumultuous affair, with heated disputes between the various political parties. Foreign policy has mostly been much calmer, with the exception perhaps of the dispute over the "Ostpolitik" following Willy Brandt's election as Federal Chancellor. As far as relations with Israel go, there has always been unanimity – at least between the major parties. And there was no room at all for dissent between the first ever Federal Chancellor, Konrad Adenauer, and his first Foreign Minister – himself!

Oh, I can definitely recall a few intense debates on foreign policy … But with regard to Israel, you're right. The memory of the Holocaust and the special relationship with Israel this has engendered are axioms of the Federal Republic of Germany's foreign policy. We are bound by our history to no other country in quite the same way. And in my opinion we can be grateful that Israel now considers Germany to be one of its closest allies and friends – even within the lifetime of Holocaust survivors. This was only possible because Israelis reached out to Germans across the Shoah graves, building bridges between Germans and Jews.

A few weeks ago we opened a new chapter in our relations with Israel by holding the first German-Israeli intergovernmental consultations. For Israel, these were the first ever intergovernmental consultations with any foreign state whatsoever. It was a very moving moment for us all, when members of the German and Israeli Cabinets stood together for the first time ever in the Hall of Remembrance in Yad Vashem to honour the victims of the Shoah.

Unlike many other politicians from the German left, you did your military service. That suggests that you are not a pacifist through and through, but would be willing to use force under certain circumstances. In Europe, thanks to the enduring peace since the Second World War, it is very much a question of conscience for people to decide whether they are willing to use force. In Israel it's more a question of survival.

Every state has to decide for itself whether it wants a professional army or military conscription, and whether everybody has to do military service or whether non-military alternatives are permitted. For good reason, we in Germany offer people the option of doing non-military service. Whether individuals make use of this option or not is a question of conscience, which each individual has to answer on his own. In Israel this option does not exist – but as I said, this is a matter that every state has to decide for itself.

The annual consultations that the German and Israeli governments have recently agreed to hold represent not just a major step forward for the two countries, but also for Israel's relations with the European Union.

We indeed hope that we will be able to forge even closer and better relations with Israel in the future. The intergovernmental consultations were an important step in this direction, and we are looking forward to receiving the Israeli Cabinet in Germany next year. But there are many more links between Israelis and Germans nowadays than just regular meetings between their governments. There are numerous city twinning arrangements, various exchange programmes that attract almost 5000 school pupils and other young people each year, our scientific cooperation, the newly established Centers for German Studies at the Universities of Jerusalem and Haifa, to name but a few examples. The interaction between people as a result of these projects forms a vital foundation for our shared future.

It can't always be easy to stand up for Israel at EU meetings, especially since France sometimes takes a different view of things. The Arab states and the Palestinians also view the assumption of German-Israeli intergovernmental consultations critically and with some mistrust.

We are holding intensive talks with the Palestinian side, in particular, as we did in the run-up to the intergovernmental consultations. My impression is that Ramallah understands full well that the relationship between Israel and Germany is a special one.

Under the Schröder government, you were not only Head of the Federal Chancellery but also Government Commissioner for the Federal Intelligence Services. Without wanting you to reveal any classified information, it would be interesting to know how serious you think the long-term threat posed by Islamist terrorism to Germany and Israel is, in light of your insider knowledge.

You flatter me, but I fear it's too long since I was responsible for the German Intelligence Services for me to offer any current risk assessment.

Following the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 you were a member of the German crisis team and so experienced first-hand the deliberations of the European and American administrations. Sometimes  it seems as if the Western democracies have still not recovered from the shock of discovering that Islamist terrorists will commit mass murder, in blatant disregard of all human rights and human dignity, in order to promote their ideology. Nobody knows how we should sensibly react to this unqualified and fully irrational willingness to use violence.

Indeed, the scale of the attacks on 11 September was a huge shock. It was a huge shock not just for the Western democracies, but for the whole world – nowhere had an attack of this magnitude been seen. The paramount goal of the international community after 11 September was therefore to do everything it could to prevent a repetition of such an attack.

We learned from 11 September that we have to cooperate much more closely at international level on combating terrorism. Wherever terrorists operate globally, the international community has to improve its sharing of information on such networks and act in concert. And we are indeed doing this successfully, as numerous thwarted attacks demonstrate. But the Federal Government is also absolutely clear on another point: when fighting terrorism, we are still bound by our rule-of-law principles and by international law. If we were to abandon our values for the sake of fighting terrorism, the terrorists would have won.

As desk officer for media law and policy in the Lower Saxon State Chancellery in the 1990s, you also became an expert on the processes of moulding public opinion. Do you think the Middle East conflict is fairly reported by the German media, and how do you explain the mainly one-sided, negative portrait of Israel so often presented by them?

I am aware of the criticism that various people in Israel have expressed of reports in the German media. However, it is my impression that there are a large number of German journalists who report from Israel with great dedication on a wide range of matters.

After his first visit to Israel a few weeks ago, US President George W. Bush said that he expected to see a peace agreement between the Palestinians and Israel by the end of the year. Many experts think this is more unlikely than not.

Nobody – not even the US Administration – believes that we will have a comprehensive peace in the Middle East by the end of the year. What President Bush seeks is a kind of agreement in principle between the Israelis and the Palestinians. We will have to wait and see whether the Annapolis conference will in fact go down in history as a turning point in the conflict. But thanks to the international and American engagement, Israeli and Palestinian negotiators are once again holding very serious talks about all final status issues. This is something that hasn't happened for years, and is of itself a success that should not be underrated.

In the 2007 Hamburg SPD manifesto, it was stated that "Germany has a special responsibility for Israel's right to exist. For this reason, too, we are actively committed to a comprehensive peace in the Middle East on the basis of international treaties. We are working for the self-determination of the Palestinian people and the creation of a viable Palestinian state." What form do you think such a Palestinian state would take, and how do we get there? All the efforts so far have been in vain.

Everybody realizes that the negotiations will take time, and that the parties to the conflict still have a long road ahead of them. Over the past weeks, we have repeatedly watched the talks falter, and have seen that there are groups which are doing their utmost to sabotage the negotiations. But the negotiators on both sides are resolute, despite all the difficulties, and refuse to be moved from the path on which they have embarked. That gives me cause for hope, and we Europeans must do all we can to support them in their endeavours.

The majority of Israelis and Palestinians want peace. Of course, many are sceptical as to whether peace can really be achieved. It thus has to be our job to help change this attitude. The people in Israel and the Palestinian territories have to feel that the path to peace is worthwhile. Germany favours accompanying the political talks by concrete action, for example by nurturing a self-sustaining Palestinian private sector, or endeavouring to build up an efficient security and justice system in the Palestinian territories which is committed to the rule of law. Both would ultimately result in greater security for Israel.

Neither Annapolis nor the international donor conference have so far brought the desired movement into the negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. Although Hamas is considered a terrorist group in the Western world – and even labelled a partner of al Qaida – many critics demand that it be included in the ongoing dialogue. But they forget that Hamas not only refuses to enter into any dialogue with Israel, but even to recognize the State of Israel.

In response to the first part of your question – of course there has been movement between the Israelis and the Palestinians. Without Annapolis and without the commitment of the international community – including the Federal Government – on the way there, there would not be any negotiations taking place today. As regards Hamas, the position of Germany, the EU and the Middle East Quartet has always been that Hamas cannot be a party to any talks until it renounces violence as a political instrument, until it forswears terrorism, and until it recognizes Israel's right to exist, not to mention the existing agreements between the Israelis and the Palestinians.

On the sidelines of the two conferences, there were calls to ease the blockade of the Gaza Strip and to stop settlement activity. But there was no call to the Palestinians to finally put an end to their violence and terrorism. The pattern is always the same: There are huge protests and much indignation around the world when Israel does not implement UN Security Council resolutions to the letter – but nothing is said about the failure to disarm Hezbollah, as also required by a UN resolution. Islamist organizations such as Hezbollah are not just a threat to the existence of Israel, but also to that of Saudi Arabia, Egypt and other Arab states.

The road map imposes duties on both parties to the conflict – and both parties have failed to meet these obligations in full. This point is something that we and our partners – above all the US Government – raise in our talks with the parties. Of course we demand that the insufferable rocket attacks on Israel be stopped at long last! We have always stated unequivocally that Israel has the right to protect the safety of its citizens. As regards the settlement issue, the road map contains clear agreements. The US Secretary of State raised this point recently, and we have repeatedly talked about it with our Israeli friends.

Iran has provided not just ideological but also considerable logistical and financial support to terrorists in the Middle East, as a result of which the UN and the EU have imposed sanctions against the Mullah regime. It took a long time to agree on a common course of action. Agreement was naturally made easier by the Iranian Government's attempts to obtain nuclear weapons. Will the sanctions have the desired effect, and how long will the international community stand united?

You know, the fact that the international community is presenting a united front in the dispute about the Iranian nuclear programme isn't something that should be taken for granted. We have to keep working at it, together with our partners – and in particular the five permanent members of the UN Security Council. You are no doubt familiar with the three resolutions imposing sanctions on Iran. We supported them because Iran continued to defy the international community by failing to reveal the details of its programme and by not suspending enrichment, and as long as that continued, we had a right to be distrustful. At the same time, we have always stressed that we are open to dialogue, that the Americans, Russians, Chinese and Europeans are willing to meet Iran halfway if it takes the necessary steps. Sadly, however, Tehran has not yet done so. We will therefore continue to pursue our policy of incentives and sanctions – together, for our greatest strength lies in international unity.

A viable solution to the Middle East conflict will require the wisdom of Solomon and the strength of Samson. For our benefit, could you perhaps tell us what your first ten steps would be, were you to be given the difficult role of steering the political process.

I certainly won't be so bold. I have great respect for the politicians who are currently participating in the negotiations, and I do not think it is my place here to offer any unsolicited advice. The impression I have obtained from my many talks is that the Israelis and Palestinians involved are conscious of the huge responsibility they bear and are conducting the negotiations in all seriousness. In my opinion, the German Government and the European Union's task is to support this process in any way we can. And that is what we want to do – for example by convening an international conference in Berlin at the end of June, in order to discuss how we can advance the creation of a functioning Palestinian police force and justice system. This commitment is also valued by our American, Israeli and Palestinian friends.

Anniversaries are normally an occasion for good wishes, for looking to the future with hope. If the German Foreign Minister had to, or wanted to, address some such words to Israel on its 60th birthday – what would he say?

First of all, I wish Israel the peace and security that its people deserve. I wish that over the next 60 years it will remain the impressive and dynamic country I have come to know. And I hope that we manage to tighten yet further the bonds of friendship between the Germans and the Israelis. In this spirit, I wish Israel "Yom huledet same'akh" with all my heart.

Mr Minister, thank you very much for talking to us.