"Macedonia to the Macedonians"
The Union of Death II - Terrorists and Freedom Fighters in the Balkans
"Macedonia to the Macedonians"
By: Sam Vaknin, Ph.D.
"Two hundred and forty five bands were in the mountains. Serbian and
Bulgarian comitadjis, Greek andartes, Albanians and Vlachs ... all waging a
terrorist war."
Leon Sciaky in "Farewell to Salonica: Portrait of an Era"
"(Goce Delcev died) cloak flung over his left shoulder, his white fez,
wrapped in a bluish scarf, pulled down and his gun slung across his left
elbow..."
Mihail Chakov, who was nearby Delcev at the moment of his death, quoted in
"Balkan Ghosts" by Robert D. Kaplan
"I will try and tell this story coldly, calmly, dispassionately ... one must
tone the horrors down, for in their nakedness, they are unprintable..."
A.G. Hales reporting about the Illinden Uprising in the London "Daily News" of
October 21, 1903
"The Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization directs its eyes neither
to the West, nor to the East,nor to anywhere else; it relies primarily on its
own powers, does not turn into anybody''s weapon, and will not allow anybody to
use its name and prestige for personal and other purposes. It has demonstrated
till now and will prove in the future that it establishes its activities on the
interests and works for the ideals of struggling Macedonia and the Bulgarian
race."
Todor Alexandrov, The Leader of the IMRO from 1911 to 1924
The Treaty of Berlin killed Peter Lazov. A Turkish soldier first gouged his eyes
out, some say with a spoon, others insist it was a knife. As the scream-imbued
blood trickled down his face, the Turk cut both his ears and the entirety of his
nose with his sword. Thus maimed and in debilitating agony, he was left to die
for a few days. When he failed to do so, the Turks disembowelled him to death
and decapitated the writhing rump.
The Ottomans granted independence to Bulgaria in the 1878 Treaty of San
Stefano unwillingly, following a terminal defeat at the hands of a wrathful
Russian army. The newly re-invented nation incorporated a huge swathe of
Macedonia, not including Thessaloniki and the Chalcidice Peninsula. Another
treaty followed, in Berlin, restoring the "balance" by returning Macedonia to
Turkish rule. Turkey obligingly accepted a "one country, two systems" approach
by agreeing to a Christian administration of the region and by permitting
education in foreign languages, by foreign powers in foreign-run and owned
schools. Then they set about a typical infandous Ottoman orgy of shredded
entrails, gang raped corpses of young girls and maiming and decapitation. The
horrors this time transcended anything before. In Ohrid, they buried people in
pigsty mud for "not paying taxes". Joined by Turks who escaped the advancing
Russian armies in North Bulgaria and by Bosnian Moslems, who fled the pincer
movement of the forces of Austro-Hungary, they embarked on the faithful
recreation of a Bosch-like hell. Feeble attempts at resistance (really, self
defence) - such as the one organized by Natanail, the Bishop of Ohrid - ended in
the ever escalating ferocity of the occupiers. A collaboration emerged between
the Church and the less than holy members of society. Natanail himself provided
"Chetis" (guerilla bands) with weapons and supplies. In October 1878, an
uprising took place in Kresna. It was duly suppressed by the Turks, though with
some difficulty. It was not the first one, having been preceded by the Razlovci
uprising in 1876. But it was more well organized and explicit in its goals.
But no one - with the exception of the Turks - was content with the situation
and even they were paranoid and anxious. The flip-flop policies of the Great
Powers turned Macedonia into the focus of shattered national aspirations
grounded in some historical precedent of at least three nations: the Greeks, the
Bulgarians, and the Serbs. Each invoked ethnicity and history and all conjured
up the apparition of the defunct Treaty of San Stefano. Serbia colluded with the
Habsburgs: Bosnia to the latter in return for a free hand in Macedonia to the
former. The wily Austro-Hungarians regarded the Serbs as cannon fodder in the
attrition war against the Russians and the Turks. In 1885, Bulgaria was at last
united - north and formerly Turk-occupied south - under the Kremlin''s pressure.
The Turks switched sides and allied with the Serbs against the spectre of a
Great Bulgaria. Again, the battleground was Macedonia and its Bulgarian-leaning
(and to many, pure Bulgarian) inhabitants. Further confusion awaited. In 1897,
following the Crete uprising against the Ottoman rule and in favour of Greek
enosis (unification), Turkey (to prevent Bulgaria from joining its Greek enemy)
encouraged King Ferdinand to help the Serbs fight the Greeks. Thus, the
Balkanian kaleidoscope of loyalties, alliances and everlasting friendship was
tilted more savagely than ever before by the paranoia and the whims of
nationalism gone berserk.
In this world of self reflecting looking glasses, in this bedlam of
geopolitics, in this seamless and fluid universe, devoid of any certainty but
the certainty of void, an anomie inside an abnormality - a Macedonian self
identity, tentative and merely cultural at first, began to emerge. Voivode
Gorgija Pulevski published a poem "Macedonian Fairy" in 1878. The Young
Macedonian Literary Society was established in 1891 and started publishing
"Loza", its journal a year thereafter. Krste Misirkov, Dimitrija Cupovski, the
Vardar Society and the Macedonian Club in Belgrade founded the Macedonian
Scholarly-Literary Society in 1902 (in Russia). Their "Macedonian National
Program" demanded a recognition of a Macedonian nation with its own language and
culture. They stopped short of insisting on an independent state, settling
instead for an autonomy and an independent church. Misirkov went on to publish
his seminal work, "On Macedonian Matters" in 1903 in Sofia. It was a scathing
critique of the numbing and off-handed mind games Macedonia was subjected to by
the Big Powers. Misirkov believed in culture as an identity preserving force.
And the purveyors and conveyors of culture were the teachers.
"So the teacher in Yugoslavia is often a hero and fanatic as well as a
servant of the mind; but as they walked along the Belgrade streets it could
easily be seen that none of them had quite enough to eat or warm enough clothing
or handsome lodgings or all the books they needed" - wrote Dame Rebecca West in
her eternal "Black Lamb and Grey Falcon" in 1940.
Goce Delcev (Gotse Deltchev) was a teacher. He was born in 1872 in Kukush
(the Bulgarian name of the town), north of Thessaloniki (Salonica, Solun,
Saloniki). There is no doubt about his cultural background (as opposed to his
convictions later in life) - it was Bulgarian to the core. He studied at a
Bulgarian gymnasium in Saloniki. He furthered his education at a military
academy in Sofia. He was a schoolteacher and a guerilla fighter and in both
capacities he operated in the areas that are today North-Central Greece,
Southwestern Bulgaria and the Republic of Macedonia. He felt equally comfortable
in all three regions. He was shot to death by the Turks in Banitsa, then a
Bulgarian village, today, a Greek one. It was in a spring day in May 1903.
The death of this sad but steely eyed, heavily moustached youth was
sufficient to ignite the Illinden uprising three months later. It erupted on the
feast of Saint Illiya (Sveti Ilija). Peasants sold their sacrificial bulls - the
fruits of months of labour - and bought guns with the proceeds. It started
rather innocuously in the hotbed of ethnic unrest, Western Macedonia - telegraph
wires were cut, some tax registers incinerated. The IMRO collaborated in this
with the pro-Bulgarian organization Vzhovits. In Krusevo (Krushevo) a republic
was proclaimed, replete with "Rules of the Macedonian Uprising Committee" (aka
the "Constitution of the Uprising"). This do*****ent dealt with the liberation of
Macedonia and the establishment of a Macedonian State. A special chapter was
dedicated to foreign affairs and neighbourly relationships. It was all
heart-achingly naive and it lasted 10 bloody days. Crushed by 2000 trained
soldiers and horse bound artillery, the outnumbered 1200 rebels surrendered.
Forty of them kissed each other goodbye and blew their brains out. The usual
raping and blood thick massacres ensued. According to Turkish records, these
ill-planned and irresponsible moments of glory and freedom cost the lives of
4,694 civilians, 994 "terrorists". The rape of 3,000 women was not do*****ented.
In Northwestern Macedonia, an adolescent girl was raped by 50 soldiers and
murdered afterwards. In another village, they cut a girl''s arm to secure her
bracelets. The more one is exposed to these atrocities, the more one is prone to
subscribe to the view that the Ottoman Empire - its halting and half hearted
efforts at reform notwithstanding - was the single most important agent of
retardation and putrid stagnation in its colonies, a stifling influence of
traumatic proportions, the cause of mass mental sickness amongst its subjects.
As is usually the case in the bloodied geopolitical sandbox known as the
Balkans, an international peacekeeping force intervened. Yet it was - again,
habitually - too late, too little.
What made Delcev, rather his death, the trigger of such an outpouring of
emotions was the IMRO (VMRO in Macedonian and in Bulgarian). The Illinden
uprising was the funeral of a man who was a hope. It was the ululating grieving
of a collective deprived of vengeance or recourse. It was a spasmodic breath
taken in the most suffocating of environments. This is not to say that IMRO was
monolithic or that Delcev was an Apostle (as some of his hagiographers would
have him). It was not and he was far from it. But he and his two comrades, Jane
(Yane) Sandanski and Damyan (Dame) Gruev had a vision. They had a dream. The
IMRO is the story of a dream turned nightmare, of the absolute corruption of
absolute power and of the dangers of inviting the fox to fight the wolf.
The original "Macedonian Revolutionary Organization" (MRO) was established in
Sofia. The distinction between being a Macedonian and being a
Macedonian-Bulgarian was not sharp, to use a polite understatement. The
Bulgarians "proper" regarded the Macedonians as second class, primitive and
uncultured Bulgarian relatives who inhabit a part of Bulgaria to the east. The
Macedonians themselves were divided. Some wished to be incorporated in Bulgaria,
the civilized and advanced society and culture. Others wanted an independent
state - though they, too, believed that the salvation of such an entity - both
demographic and financial - lies abroad, with the diaspora and benevolent
foreign powers. A third group (and Delcev was, for a time, among them) wanted a
federation of all states Balkan with an equal standing for a Macedonian polity
(autonomy). The original MRO opted for the Bulgarian option and restricted its
aims to the liberation and immediate annexation of what they solemnly considered
to be a Turkish-occupied Bulgarian territory. To distinguish themselves from
this MRO, the 6 founders of the Macedonian version - all members of the
intelligentsia - added the word "Internal" to their name. Thus, they became, in
November 1893, IMRO.
A measure of the disputatiousness of all matters Balkanian can be found in
the widely and wildly differing versions about the cir*****stances of the
establishment of IMRO. Some say it was established in Thessaloniki (this is the
official version, thus supporting its "Macedonian"-ness). Others - like Robert
Kaplan - say it was in Stip (Shtip) and the Encyclopaedia Britannica claims it
was in ... Resen (Resana).
Let it be clear: this author harbours no sympathy towards the Ottoman Empire.
The IMRO was fighting for lofty ideals (Balkanian federation) and worthy goals
(liberation from asphyxiating Turkish rule). But to many outside observers (with
the exception of journalists like John Sonixen or John smith), the IMRO was
indistinguishable in its methods of operation from the general landscape of
mayhem, crime, disintegration of the social fabric, collapse of authority,
social anomie, terror and banditry.
From Steven Sowards'' "Twenty Five Lectures on Modern Balkan History, The
Balkans in an Age of Nationalism", 1996 available HERE:
http://www.lib.msu.edu/sowards/balkan/lect11.htm.
"Meanwhile, the Tanzimat reforms remained unfulfilled under Abdul Hamid''s
reactionary regime. How effective had all these reforms been by the turn of the
century? How bad was life for Christian peasants in the Balkans? In a 1904 book
called ''Macedonia: Its Races and Their Future'', H. N. Brailsford, an English
relief worker, describes lawless conditions in Macedonia, the central Balkan
district between Greece, Serbia, Albania and Bulgaria. In the areas Brailsford
knew, the authorities had little power. He writes:
''An Albanian went by night into a Bulgarian village and fired into the house
of a man whom he regarded as an enemy ... The prefect ... endeavored to arrest
the murderer, but [his Albanian] village took up his cause, and the gendarmes
returned empty-handed. The prefect ... marched upon the offending village at the
head of three hundred regular troops ... The village did not resist, but it
still refused to give evidence against the guilty man. The prefect returned to
Ochrida with forty or fifty prisoners, kept them in gaol for three or four days,
and then released them all ... To punish a simple outbreak of private passion in
which no political element was involved [the prefect] had to mobilize the whole
armed force of his district, and even then he failed.''
Robbers and brigands operated with impunity: ''Riding one day upon the
high-road ... I came upon a brigand seated on a boulder ... in the middle of the
road, smoking his cigarette, with his rifle across his knees, and calmly levying
tribute from all the passers-by.''
Extortionists, not police, were in control: ''A wise village ... [has] its own
resident brigands. ... They are known as rural guards. They are necessary
because the Christian population is absolutely unarmed and defenceless. To a
certain extent they guarantee the village against robbers from outside, and in
return they carry on a licensed and modified robbery of their own.''
Self-defense by Orthodox peasants was dangerous: ''The Government makes its
presence felt ... when a ''flying column'' saunters out to hunt an elusive rebel
band, or ... to punish some flagrant act of defiance ... The village may have
... resented the violence of the tax-collector ... [or] harboured an armed band
of insurgents ... or ... killed a neighbouring civilian Turk who had assaulted
some girl of the place ... At the very least all the men who can be caught will
be mercilessly beaten, at the worst the village will be burned and some of its
inhabitants massacred.''
It was not surprising that peasants hated their rulers. ''One enters some
hovel ... something ... stirs or groans in the gloomiest corner on the floor
beneath a filthy blanket. Is it fever, one asks, or smallpox? ... the answer
comes ... ''He is ill with fear.'' ... Looking back ... a procession of ruined
minds comes before the memory - an old priest lying beside a burning house
speechless with terror ... a woman who had barked like a dog since the day her
village was burned; a maiden who became an imbecile because her mother buried
her in a hole under the floor to save her from the soldiers ... children who
flee in terror at the sight of a stranger, crying ''Turks! Turks!'' These are the
human wreckage of the hurricane which usurps the functions of a Government.''
Four things are worth noting in Brailsford''s account as we consider the
prospects for a reform solution to Balkan problems. First, revolutionary
politics was not the foremost issue for the Christian population: nationalism
addressed the immediate problems in their daily lives only indirectly, by
promising a potential better state.
Second, loyalties were still local and based on the family and the village,
not on abstract national allegiances. If criminal abuses ended, the Ottoman
state might yet have invented an Ottoman "nationalism" to compete with Serbian,
Greek, Romanian, or Bulgarian nationalism.
Third, villagers did not cry out for new government departments or services,
but only for relief from corruption and crime. The creation of new national
institutions was not necessary, only the reform of existing institutions.
Fourth, and on the other hand, mistrust and violence between the two sides
was habitual. So many decades of reform had failed by this time. The situation
was so hopeless and extreme that few people on either side can have thought of
reform as a realistic option."
During the 1890s, IMRO''s main sources of income were voluntary (and later,
less voluntary) taxation of the rural population, bank robberies, train
robberies (which won handsome world media coverage) and kidnapping for ransom
(like the kidnapping of the American Protestant Missionary Ellen Stone - quite a
mysterious affair). The IMRO developed along predictable lines into an
authoritarian and secretive organization - a necessity if it were to fight the
Turks effectively. It had its own tribunals which exercised - often fatal -
authority over civilians who were deemed collaborators with the Turkish enemy.
It must be emphasized that this was NOT unusual or unique at that time. This was
the modus operandi of all military-organized ideological and political groups.
And, taking everything into account, the IMRO was fighting a just war against an
abhorrent enemy.
Moreover, to some extent, its war was effective and resulted in reforms
imposed on the Sublime Port (the Turkish authorities) by the Great Powers of the
day. We mentioned the peacekeeping force which replaced the local gendarmerie.
But reforms were also enacted in education, religious rights and tolerance,
construction, farm policy and other areas. The intractable and
resource-consuming Macedonian question led directly to the reform of Turkey
itself by the Macedonia-born officer Ataturk. And it facilitated the
disintegration of the Ottoman empire - thus, ironically, leading to the
independence of almost everyone except its originators.
The radicalization of IMRO and its transformation into the infamous
organization it has come to be known as, started after the Second Balkan war
(1913) and, more so, after the First World War (1918). It was then that
disillusionment with Big Power politics replaced the naive trust in the
inevitable triumph of a just claim. The Macedonians were never worse off
politically, having contributed no less - if not more - than any other nation to
the re-distribution of the Ottoman Empire. The cynicism, the hypocrisy, the
off-handedness, the ignorance, the vile interests, the ulterior motives - all
conspired to transform the IMRO from a goal-orientated association to a power
hungry mostrosity.
In 1912 Bulgaria, Serbia, and Greece - former bitter foes - formed the Balkan
League to confront an even more bitter foe, the Ottoman Empire on the thin
pretext of an Albanian uprising. The brotherhood strained in the Treaty of
London (May 1913) promptly deteriorated into internecine warfare over the spoils
of a successful campaign - namely, over Macedonia. Serbs, Greeks, Montenegrins
and Romanians subdued Bulgaria sufficiently to force it to sign a treaty in
August 1913 in Bucharest. "Aegean Macedonia" went to Greece and "Vardar
Macedonia" (today''s Republic of Macedonia) went to Serbia. The smaller "Pirin
Macedonia" remained Bulgarian. The Bulgarian gamble in World War I went well for
a while, as it occupied all three parts of Macedonia. But the ensuing defeat and
dismemberment of its allies, led to a re-definition of even "Pirin Macedonia" so
as to minimize Bulgaria''s share. Vardar Macedonia became part of a new Kingdom
of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (later renamed Yugoslavia).
These political Lego games led to enormous population shifts - the
politically correct term for refugees brutally deprived of their land and
livelihood. All of them were enshrined in solemn treaties. The Treaty of
Lausanne (1923) led to the expulsion of 375,000 Turks from Aegean Macedonia.
640,000 Greek refugees from Turkey replaced them. Each of the actual occupiers
and each of the potential ones opened its own schools to indoctrinate the future
generations of the populace. Conflicts erupted over ecclesiastical matters, the
construction of railways and railway stations. Guerilla fighters soon realized
that being pawns on this mad hatter''s chessboard could be a profitable vocation.
The transformation from freedom fighters to mercenaries with no agenda was
swift. And pecuniary considerations bred even more terror and terrorists where
there were none before.
In the meantime, Greece enacted a land reform legislation in "Aegean
Macedonia" - in effect, the confiscation of arable land by thousands of Greek
settlers, refugees from Turkey. Much of the land thus "re-distributed" was owned
by Turkish absentees, now refugees themselves. But a lot of land was simply
impounded from its rightful, very much present and very Macedonian owners. The
Serb authorities coerced the population to speak the Serb language, changed
Macedonian names to Serb ones in brutally carried campaigns and imposed a
corrupt and incompetent bureaucracy upon the suffering multitudes.
IMRO never gave up its proclaimed goal to liberate both occupied parts of
Macedonia - the Aegean and the Vardar ones. But, as time passed and as the
nature of its organization and operation evolved, the perfunctoriness of its
proclamations became more and more evident. The old idealists - the
intellectuals and ideologues, the Goce Delcev types - were removed, died in
battle, or left this mutation of their dream. The IMRO insignia - skull and
crossbones - linked it firmly to the Italian Balckshirts and the Nazi brown
ones. The IMRO has developed into a fascist organization. It traded opium. It
hired out the services of its skilled assassins (for 20 dollars a contract). It
recruited members among the Macedonian population in the slums of Sofia.
Finally, they openly collaborated with the Fascists of Mussolini (who also
supported them financially), with the Ustashe (similarly supported by Italy) and
with the Nazis (under Ivan Mihailov, who became the nominal quisling ruler of
Vardar Macedonia). It was an IMRO man ("Vlado the Chauffeur") who murdered King
Alexander of Yugoslavia in 1934.
All this period, the IMRO continued to pursue its original agenda. IMRO
terrorists murdered staff and pupils in Yugoslav schools in Vardar Macedonia. In
between 1924-34, it killed 1,000 people. Tourists of the period describe the
Yugoslav-Bulgarian frontier as the most fortified in Europe with "entanglements,
block houses, redoubts and searchlight posts". Throughout the twenties and the
thirties, the IMRO maintained a presence in Europe, publishing propaganda
incessantly and explaining its position eloquently (though not very
convincingly). It was not very well liked by both Bulgarians and Macedonians who
got increasingly agitated and exhausted by the extortion of ever increasing
taxes and by the seemingly endless violence. But the IMRO was now a force to
reckon with: organized, disciplined, lethal. Its influence grew by the day and
more than one contemporary describes it as a "state within a state". In Bulgaria
it collaborated with Todor Alexandrov in the overthrow and murder of the Prime
Minister, Alexandur Stamboliyski (June 1923) and in the appointment of a right
wing government headed by Alexandur Tsankov.
Stamboliyski tried to appease Yugoslavia and, in the process, sacrifice
inconvenient elements, such as the IMRO, as expediently as he could. He made too
many powerful enemies too fast: the army (by cutting their inflated budget), the
nationalists (by officially abandoning the goal of military expansion), the
professional officers (by making them redundant), the Great Powers (by making
THEM redundant as well) and the opposition (by winning the elections handsomely
despite all the above). By signing the Treaty of Nis (allowing Serb forces the
right of hot pursuit within Bulgarian territory), he in effect sealed his own
death warrant. The IMRO teamed up with the Military League (an organization of
disgruntled officers, both active duty and reserve) and with the tacit blessing
of Tsar Boris and the forming National Alliance (later renamed the Democratic
Alliance), they did away with the hated man.
Following the murder, the IMRO was given full control of the region of Petric
(Petrich). It used it as a launching pad of its hit and run attacks against
Yugoslavia with the full - though clandestine - support of the Bulgarian
Ministry of War and Fascist Italy. From Pirin, they attacked Greece as well.
These were exactly the kind of international tensions the murdered Prime
Minister was keen to terminate and the IMRO no less keen to foster. In the
meanwhile, Alexandrov came to an end typical of many a Bulgarian politician and
was assassinated only a year after the coup d''etat.
The decade that followed did not smile upon the IMRO. It fragmented and its
shreds fought each other in the streets of Sofia, Chicago-style. By 1934, the
IMRO was a full-fledged extortionist mafia organization. They ran protection
rackets ("protecting" small shop-owners against other gangs and "insuring" them
against their own violence). Hotels in Sofia always had free rooms for the IMRO.
The tobacco industry paid the IMRO more than a million British pounds of that
time in six years of "taxation". Robberies and assassinations were daily
occurrences. So were street shoot-outs and outright confiscation of goods. The
IMRO had no support left anywhere.
In 1934, it was disbanded (together with other parties) by Colonel Kimron
Georgiev, the new Prime Minister of Bulgaria and a senior figure in the Zveno
association of disgruntled citizenry. His rule was brief (ended the next year)
but the IMRO never recovered. It brought its own demise upon itself. Colonel
Velcev (Velchev), the perpetrator of the coup, was swept to power on the promise
to end all terrorist activities - a promise which he kept.
The modern Republic of Macedonia is today ruled by a party called VMRO-DPMNE.
It is one of a few political parties to carry this name and the biggest and
weightiest amongst them by far. It is founded on the vision and ideals of Goce
Delcev and has distanced itself from the "Terrorist-IMRO". The picture of Delcev
adorns every office in both Macedonia and Bulgaria and he is the closest to a
saint a secular regime can have. In 1923, the Greeks transferred his bones to
Bulgaria. Stalin, in a last effort to placate Tito, ordered Bulgaria to transfer
them to Macedonia. Even in his death he knew no peace. Now he is buried in his
final resting place, in the tranquil inner yard of the Church of Sveti Spas
(Saint Saviour). A marble slab bearing a simple inscription with his name under
a tree, in a Macedonia which now belongs to the Macedonians.
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